Moral Obligation The Strongest Motivation To Fight Haze

Government Resources Are Finite, So Don't Bankrupt The Government With Your Demands

July 27, 1965: LABOUR PAINS

Mr Lee warned leaders of the 15,000-strong Public Daily-rated Employees Unions Federation and National Trades Union Congress that the workforce would have to show discipline and not make excessive wage claims or he "would have to enforce discipline for them".

The unions had been demanding a revision of the wage structure and back payment of wage increases under a wage agreement of 1961. But Mr Lee said he could not agree to granting the back pay as that "would bankrupt the Government".

The run-in with the unions culminated in the passing of new labour legislation in 1968 which restricted the unions' right to strike.

http://leekuanyew.straitstimes.com/ST/chapter2.html

What It Means To Be A Singaporean According To S Rajaratnam

Partnering Singaporeans to deliver what they have promised

Work has begun to prepare for the next GE.

Transport Fare Reduction: Promise Kept

In August, then Transport Minister Lui Tuck Yew announced a fare reduction of up to 1.9 per cent at the end of the year. 

Mr Lui might have stepped down but that promise is kept. 

Public transport fares will be reduced by 1.9 per cent from Dec 27 this year.

With the revision, adult card fares will be lowered by 1 to 4 cents, depending on travel distance. Student and senior citizen concessionary card fares will go down by 1 to 2 cents.

However, the prices of all monthly concession passes, monthly travel passes, cash fares and single trip ticket fares, will remain unchanged.

Separately, the Transport Ministry announced it will reduce concessionary card fares for lower wage workers by 1 to 4 cents, depending on the distance travelled.

Concessionary card fares for people with disabilities will also be reduced, by 1 to 2 cents, also depending on the travel distance.

Minister Tan Chuan Jin recovers fully from a rare form of TB

Remember in February this year, Minister Tan Chuan Jin posted on his facebook about experiencing chest pains and being diagnosed with pleural effusion, or a build-up of fluid between the layers of tissue that line the lungs and chest cavity?

It was a rare form of TB in which the infection was contained within the body and therefore the risk of spreading it was very little.

Mr Tan said that in the early stage after he was diagnosed, he had taken steps to ensure that he did not come into contact with people.

The minister has made a full recovery from it.

Seek Positive Outcome For All And Not A Zero Sum Result In The South China Sea Conflict

DPM Teo Chee Hean said countries with conflicting claims in the South China Sea should strive for a positive outcome for all rather than a zero sum result. 

If they seek a zero sum result, the conflicts will be difficult to resolve. They may lead to a negative outcome should conflict erupt or continuing tensions prevail. 

“No one would be able to benefit from access to the potentially vast resources,” he said. 

“While sovereignty is non-divisible, resource sharing is infinitely divisible. Joint development of the rich resources would allow claimants to share the wealth of the sea.”

This is not new, he noted. 

Agreements have been made for countries to jointly develop or explore natural resources in areas subject to overlapping claims. One example is in the Gulf of Thailand, which saw claims involving Malaysia and Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam, as well as Cambodia and Thailand.

Four Asean countries – Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam – have overlapping territorial claims in the South China Sea with Beijing, whose activities in recent months have raised temperatures.

In his speech, DPM Teo, who is also Coordinating Minister for National Security, spelt out three pillars of the regional architecture that were key to the Asia-Pacific’s continued stability, peace and growth – trade and economic cooperation, defense and security links, and people-to-people ties.

Countries have become more interdependent through trade, and the number of regional trade agreements in the world has grown from some 70 in 1990 to more than 270 today.

The successful conclusion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) covering 40 per cent of the world’s gross domestic product looks set to be a game changer, Teo said.

It is critical that the US Congress ratify the TPP to send a clear signal of America’s continued presence and commitment to the region, he added, noting that China, too, has expressed hope that the TPP will “contribute to the development of trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific”.

He said Singapore looks forward to the day China is ready to join the TPP, even as other regional pacts such as the Asean-China Free Trade Agreement and ongoing negotiations for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership bring trading partners and Beijing closer.
As for defense, Teo saw room for cooperation in areas that affect not just individual countries but also the world, such as piracy, counter-terrorism, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

People-to-people links also help build greater understanding and trust, he said, adding that countries could work closer together in areas such as water conservation, sustainable agriculture and fire mitigation – on top of overseas internships and exchange programs for students.

Teo said all these links and interactions have to be consistent and enduring to have long-term impact. They also have to be based on international law and mutual respect for all countries, big and small, to have legitimacy and broad support.
Crucially, the regional architecture must remain open and inclusive with Asean at its center, he added.

“The US has been an integral part of this regional architecture for the past 70 years. And we hope that the US will continue to be present in the region, as this will benefit the US, the region and the world,” he said.
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Conference titled “Southeast Asia and the United States: A Stable Foundation in an Uncertain Environment?" organized by the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) and United States think-tank The Brookings Institution.

http://www.straitstimes.com/politics/seek-positive-result-for-all-in-s-china-sea-dpm

Tapping Talent From Lee And Lee

Eddie Barker and Chua Sian Chin were two Cabinet members drawn from Lee and Lee, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong recounted at the firm's 60th anniversary celebrations this week. 

Excerpt from his speech:

In the early days, my parents and Dennis Lee worked hard to get Lee and Lee off the ground and pay the bills. My father had started off at Laycock & Ong. He spent a lot of his time representing trade unions, working often pro bono - so much time that John Laycock wrote him a letter, expressing his displeasure but in typical British understated style. They were unhappy but they put it in a polite way.

The letter was displayed at the "Remembering Lee Kuan Yew" exhibition held at the National Museum earlier this year. But in case you didn't make the exhibition or didn't see the letter, let me read it out to you because when you draft many letters, it is useful to know how to do these things.

"Dear Harry,
Ong and myself have been discussing the question of members of our firm appearing in these lengthy arbitrations or commissions on wages etc. which are now all the vogue. We have been suffering from these heavily during the past few months. Coupled with the absences of so many of our qualified lawyers during March, they have left us with a backlog of purely legal work in the way of our ordinary business which cannot easily be overtaken. We have come to the conclusion that we must not take any more of these wage disputes. They can never be short, we fear, because they are always preceded by long negotiations; and we can see clearly that it is likely there will be more, perhaps many more, in the near future.
If any special case arises, the same might be specially considered by us; in that case, please let us have full information before you accept any work.
Yours Sincerely,
John Laycock"

This is quite a classy letter and probably played a part in the foundation of Lee and Lee!

So my father moved next door - John Laycock was probably at 11 or 12 Malacca Street - set up at 10-B Malacca Street, Lee and Lee, and took on all sorts of cases to make a living. Divorces, chap jee kee runners, routine debt collection, and he continued to be active in the unions and politics.

After he became prime minister in 1959, he tapped Lee and Lee for talent, and persuaded some of the partners to join him in politics.

Eddie Barker became minister for law and drafted the Separation documents, including the Proclamation of Independence. Chua Sian Chin, who joined Lee and Lee in 1959, became a partner in 1965. And he would enter politics and become the minister for health at the age of 34, making him the youngest Cabinet minister in independent Singapore's history.

Then there was S. Ramasamy, who I think was the chief clerk at Lee and Lee, and he became legislative assemblyman for Redhill constituency. Later on after we became independent, and after Separation, he served as Member of Parliament for two terms, also for Redhill constituency. And so 60 years on, Christopher de Souza is continuing the tradition!

As my father became increasingly involved in politics, he left Lee and Lee's affairs to my mother and Dennis.

My mother regarded her husband and children as her first priority but she did her work. Every day she came home for lunch from the office so as to see her children. She would take a nap and then go back to work. When I had chicken pox - I must have been aged four or five years old - she nursed me at home, with her work files at my bedside.

On days when business was slow, she would wait for new call-in clients at the office, because in those days there were no mobile phones, and she took along her knitting to office because she loved to knit. In the evenings, she would bring home files to do and the files would come as big bundles in the open cane baskets which some of you may remember. She would stack them up and do them one by one, mostly conveyancing documents, and I would be fascinated with the documents - not with what was written inside, but what was pasted inside - because the conveyance documents and title deeds would have revenue stamps for what seemed to me like fabulous denominations; we had $500 stamps, $1,000 stamps, and also old faces because these were transactions from properties which were 30 or 40 years old, from previous reigns.

I used to collect stamps - these were 10-cent stamps, 50-cent stamps - and you would be very lucky to find a $5 postage stamp, and here were $500 stamps.

My mother would look at me and say these are not postage stamps but revenue stamps; you don't put them on envelopes!

My mother decided to do mostly solicitors' work. When Kim Li (Mrs Lee's niece) joined the firm, my mother advised her, and in fact told her "umpteen times", that "women should not do litigation because that would make them argumentative, and more difficult to find husbands!"
And I understand my mother gave the same advice to other ladies in the firm, including Kim Li's daughter, Joanna, who entered law school in 2005. I am reporting this to you as hearsay evidence, but on good authority, but of course I would never venture to offer any such advice to anybody.

My mother developed the Conveyancing Practice and the Trust and Probate Practice at Lee and Lee. Many of the clients she acted for became her friends, and remain to this day clients of the firm. She retired from partnership in 1987, nearly 30 years ago, but she stayed on as a consultant for many years after that.

A Culture Of Volunteerism In The Public Service

From 2016 - One day of volunteer leave per year for public servants to volunteer at any institution of public character of their choice.

The move is meant to encourage civil servants to volunteer even more, beyond existing programmes led by their respective agencies.

Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean made the announcement on Thursday at the opening of the Public Service Festival exhibition which recognises the work of public servants.

 http://on.fb.me/1GkBrpN

April 28, 1963: ISLAND-HOPPING WALKABOUT

Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew with socks off and trousers rolled up, embarked on a tour of eight Southern Islands, as part of his walkabout. Mr Lee visited all 51 constituencies before the 1963 election. 

He discussed issues facing the fledgling state with the islanders. He spoke about the merger talks taking place with Malaysia, redevelopment and resettlement plans for the islands. 

He urged the islanders to find new ways of making a living apart from fishing.

http://on.fb.me/1LXjmdE

Excerpt of speech at the Opening of the OECD-Singapore Conference on Higher Education Futures

Because education systems exist and have meaning only in context. These very contexts are evolving, with significant implications on higher education.

The world is changing rapidly and profoundly. An age of globalisation and the internet, of great and increasing speed and consequence.

Industries are becoming less extractive. Less about using natural resources to make, or do things, and more about innovation and ideas. ........

A big shift took place when production was no longer limited to a locality. Today, the world works as one big complex production ecosystem, and production becomes modular as a result. The traditional lines between products and services are becoming increasingly blurred.......

Societies too are changing. People.......continue to be on the move and have rising aspirations. In the past, people moved to urban centres for job opportunities. Today, they move to cultural nodes as well - for lifestyle, spiritual well-being and personal enrichment.
.......The system of higher education exists and evolves within these larger social, economic and technological contexts.........

The OECD’s Skills Outlook says that high skills will be in increasing demand, low skills will be in constant demand, and medium skills will be in decreasing demand. Advances in technology have the potential to replace or transform jobs that not just involve manual work, but also cognitive and increasingly complex intellectual tasks. To prepare people well for this reality, education institutions must be well plugged into the needs of industries and the real and unpredictable world.

Education should as much as possible be like the life for which it prepares. If that is the case, then a learner’s experience in higher education has to evolve to become more innovative, less extractive, more connected to the world, more modular in course delivery, more attuned to the complexity and diversity of students’ individual identities. That is a major challenge all higher education institutions have to face now.

This is one imperative of education, to serve national and societal needs in the context of a changing world.

Excerpt of speech at the Opening of the OECD-Singapore Conference on Higher Education Futures, 14 October 2015, Resorts World Convention Centre, Singapore

Full Speech:  http://bit.ly/1GcWFWt

http://on.fb.me/1LY6UAy

GE2015 through HK eyes

Standing among a crowd of supporters in white at a People's Action Party (PAP) election rally in Tampines last month was an overseas visitor.

Mr Raymond Chan, a pro-democracy legislator from Hong Kong, listened intently as Tampines GRC candidate Baey Yam Keng spoke of how he would continue to push the Singapore Government towards freer use of dialects.

"He was advocating on the people's behalf and sounded like he was from the opposition instead of from the ruling party," recounts Mr Chan, who wore a yellow sleeveless T-shirt, the colour adopted by Hong Kong's Occupy activists last year. That, he argues, is something that Hong Kong's pro-establishment politicians should learn from - and "not just obey" directives from the top.

Mr Chan was in Singapore to observe its 17th General Election. He also attended rallies by the Workers' Party and Singapore Democratic Party and spoke to Hong Kongers living in Singapore.

He was not the only Hong Konger to make the trip. Others included Dr Simon Shen, a prominent international relations academic and commentator from the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and Dr Hui Ching, from the university's Institute of Future Cities. All were in town for their first taste of Singapore's hustings.

Hong Kong's media covered the election extensively, with dailies such as tabloid Apple Daily sending reporters to Singapore.

The new Cabinet announced two weeks ago was also widely reported, with particular focus on the PAP's succession planning.

The keen interest in Singapore's political landscape comes at a time when Hong Kong is undergoing heightened angst over its own political destiny and governance challenges. Two Mondays ago, it marked the first anniversary of the start of the controversial Occupy movement which sought - but failed - to secure greater freedoms to elect the city's leader.

Hong Kong's commentariat has long taken an interest in Taiwan's election, with its freewheeling brand of democracy. Now, with many Hong Kongers fatigued by endless rounds of political wrangling and Beijing looking unwilling to budge, the so-called Singapore model is beginning to look like a more feasible compromise to some.

Says Dr Shen: "To many observers, the model of Singapore might suit Hong Kong better than the Taiwan one. In Singapore, both stability and democracy exist."

However, a crucial difference between the two former British colonies - namely, that Singapore is a sovereign nation while Hong Kong is not - limits the extent to which the Singapore system can be applied to Hong Kong. That said, those who visited Singapore say there are some specific takeaways from last month's GE, which saw the PAP win 69.86 per cent of the valid votes cast.

One particular lesson for Hong Kong's pan-democrat camp is that vocal netizens and huge turnouts at street assemblies do not necessarily translate into electoral support, says Mr Chan, a member of the radical People Power party which organises protests and uses filibustering as a tactic to block government policies. "The power of the silent majority - this is something we need to take note of."

In a commentary, Dr Shen identifies salient points from Singapore's opposition politics which could apply to Hong Kong's as well: the need to cultivate a level of grassroots organisation to provide daily services to residents rather than "just shouting empty slogans"; and the care not to alienate the mainstream.

Another lesson is for Hong Kong's governing class to clearly demonstrate its commitment to the people, says Dr Hui.

For Mr Chan, there is a salutary personal lesson.

Among his Hong Kong friends in Singapore are those who support the Occupy movement. Yet, they told him, they would vote for the PAP if they are Singaporeans.

"I felt puzzled. We Hong Kongers feel Singapore is not democratic and the PAP is like a nanny. Why do my friends support it?

"After talking to many people, I understood a government's legitimacy can be from different sources. It can be derived from free and fair elections. Another is performance legitimacy - even if you took power in an unequal playing field such as with gerrymandering but you perform well in that position, the citizens will support you."

For Singaporeans, whatever comments Hong Kong's players make about the Republic will have to be understood in the context of their respective agendas.

In recent years, both ends of Hong Kong's political spectrum have found much about Singapore's system to praise. The city's establishment and pro-Beijing bloc do so, often to underscore the point that Hong Kong is lagging Singapore in terms of economic development and competitiveness. This, they blame on political gridlock engendered by the pan-democrats.

The democrats, meanwhile, counter that the ruling class in Hong Kong is just not up to the mark, compared to Singapore's.

Mr Chan, for one, laments that Hong Kong lacks an "independent leader who will work on behalf of the people, instead of on behalf of Beijing".

Whether such remarks are fair or otherwise, one thing is for sure: For as long as the political disquiet in Hong Kong continues, its politicians and people will continue to seek references from afar, including from Singapore.

Li Xueying
Hong Kong Correspondent

http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/ge2015-through-hk-eyes?xtor=CS3-18

Speech delivered by former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger during the private memorial for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew held in New York on 25 September 2015.

I met Lee Kuan Yew when he came to Harvard in 1967. Singapore had just become an independent country, and Lee its Prime Minister. At that time, all the Harvard faculty knew about him was that he was the head of a semi-socialist party, so they assumed he was a "brother" who would agree with their political judgments.

He came into the room, dynamic, electric, as he always was, and he said: "I'd like to hear what you all think about Vietnam." They proceeded to debate whether Lyndon Johnson was a psychopath or merely a war criminal. They did not come to a final conclusion.

The Dean turned to Lee expecting great approval. He said: "Now, Mr Prime Minister, we would like to hear what you think." Lee Kuan Yew replied: "You make me sick."

Those were the first words that I ever heard him say. He went on to explain why a strong, self-confident America was essential to the balance of his region. He said Singapore could not survive in a world in which America, out of self-doubt, did not play its indispensable role.

Lee Kuan Yew and I maintained our friendship since that time. I visited him often in Singapore and he stayed in my house, I think five or six times, when he came to the United States.

FROM THIRD WORLD TO FIRST
Lee Kuan Yew created his country. Relying on nothing but the spirit and commitment of his people, Lee helped Singapore prosper domestically and, at the same time, become influential in world affairs.

Singapore was evicted from Malaysia on the theory that it would never be able to take care of itself - indeed, that it would have to come crawling back to a communal country in which ethnic Chinese, the majority of Singapore's population, would be discriminated against.

But necessity demanded that Lee accomplish his mission. He did not despair, he did not beat his breast and he did not allow Singapore to become dependent upon the international community for help.

He did not develop a kind of autarky or protectionism. He said that Singapore's comparative advantage would be the dedication of its population and the intelligence of their performance, and the country would build its society on that basis.

At that time, it was conventional to say multinational companies become great or prospered because they exploited workers all over the world. Lee Kuan Yew said, "go ahead, exploit our labour". He said it in those words. He said "that is the way we can build ourselves up".

He started first with industries that were primarily dependent on labour, but he managed to convince Hewlett-Packard and other major companies to invest in Singapore on the proposition that they could have profitable operations there.

And within 10 years, Singapore was leaping from the Third World into the First World; they were jumping over the Second World. Great achievements require great vision. They also require strength of character to be able to do things which the average person either does not conceive or does not dare.

AN EXAMPLE FOR THE WORLD
Lee Kuan Yew literally rebuilt his society. Some of his rules made it easy to write nasty articles about him - about chewing gum, flushing toilets and being on time.

I remember that whenever I was taken to see Lee Kuan Yew, his driver worried that if he was late, he would never drive anyone again. Being early was not good either. He tried to time the traffic lights so that we would be precisely on time. But when Lee Kuan Yew began, he had nothing.

Equally extraordinary as his domestic transformation of independent Singapore was that Lee became a kind of conscience of the international system. In essence, if the Ambassador will forgive me, Lee Kuan Yew was the mayor of a middle-sized city. His city prospered economically but there are other mayors of towns like this.

One of Lee's strengths was that he never came cap in hand. I do not remember that he ever, in the many, many conversations I have had with him over the years, asked anything for Singapore from me. He would explain the significance of Singapore in the international system, then he would trust that smart people would invest in it and help it endure.

I often arranged his visits in Washington, but it was not easy to put in order the many applicants who wanted to see him. That he would see the President was a matter of course. But in addition, he would see key Cabinet members. Senators, too, wanted to see him.

And why did they want to meet him? He did not talk about Singapore. He told them what they ought to do. He facilitated their reflection on their own role in the world.

LOYAL TO HIS FRIENDS
His position towards China was extremely ambivalent. On the one hand, he was Chinese and, I think, spoke Mandarin at home. But on the other hand, he was well-versed in history, so he knew that a powerful China would automatically seek to reduce the other countries in the region into, sort of, tributary states. He thought that was in the nature of things; he did not try to reform the Chinese, but accepted their traditional conception of the "Central Kingdom" as a fact of life.

The way to deal with this reality, he said, was to keep America in Asia, and then the Chinese, being smart, and the Americans, hopefully, being smart, would be able to achieve a kind of equilibrium between themselves in which Singapore could live.

This was during the early Deng Xiaoping period; we did not know very much about China. But I remember very clearly early conversations with Lee, in which he said "thank God for the Cultural Revolution in China, which will hold them long enough for us to develop our own economy and our own identity". I looked at him as a teacher. I learnt much from him.

Lee placed great emphasis on loyalty. When Watergate started, he was in Canada, so he called me up and asked if he could come down to meet me informally in New York. He wanted to know whether America's authority would be weakened. What will it do to us?

We spoke as friends, then he returned to Canada, but, shortly, he came to Washington officially to demonstrate that he would not abandon his friends. He did it partly out of personal loyalty, but he did it also out of his sense of duty.

A LASTING RELATIONSHIP
I want to speak briefly about his human qualities; there was much more to Lee Kuan Yew than intelligence, pragmatism or candour. I tell people he was a great friend. But if you asked me for examples, if you asked: "Did he ever tell you he was a great friend of yours?", I would not be able to respond affirmatively.

Lee Kuan Yew was just there when he was needed. To Lee, our relationship - like all of his relationships - did not require great affirmation, but it lasted nearly five decades.

In particular, I want to mention one thing about his relationship with his wife, to whom he was extremely devoted. She suffered a horrible tragedy; she had a stroke that left her unable to communicate. And it was impossible to tell if she could receive communication.

But Lee did not leave her in the hospital. In fact, he insisted on taking her home. And for three years, he went to her bedside every evening and read to her because he was convinced either that she would hear him or that he needed to do it.

Lee Kuan Yew was a man of enormous sensitivity. I have sometimes thought that when he was travelling the world, imparting to us his lessons, we were somehow in the position he was in with his wife. He did not always know if we understood or even heard him, but he believed in us. He believed that we would hear. And all of us in this room did hear him. It is why we are here today.

Published in The Straits Times 5 Oct 2015

Racial And Religious Harmony: Always Work-In-Progress

On the remarkable progress that we have made in achieving racial and religious harmony:

So we've made a lot of progress over these 50 years but we've made so much progress that sometimes Singaporeans may be lulled into thinking that we've arrived. No need to work hard anymore.

"It's like this, it's naturally like this, when we wake up it'll still be like this. Can go to sleep. Don't have to worry. And race and religion can no longer divide our society."

I think that's being complacent. That's being dangerous in any society, race and religion will remain difficult issues, will remain sensitive issues, and I think today, compared to 50 years ago, in some ways, more complicated and more difficult that it used to be.

We discuss things more openly now, even sensitive matters we discuss openly in mixed groups and we speak candidly with one another from the heart. But it is very unwise to assume that we don't have to be careful, don't have to be sensitive when we are dealing with issues of race and religion.

It's always work in progress.

If you just look at our society on the surface, if you just read the newspapers - what's reported - or even on the social media you may not know how much work goes into making sure everything runs well. But from time to time we will have prickly issues we'll have incidents with a racial tinge. We have to deal with them and we have been dealing with them, quietly, cooperatively, maturely, the community leaders, the religious leaders and the groups themselves not allowing it to boil over and become an issue.

- Excerpt of PM Lee's Speech at the OnePeople.sg Community Leaders' Conference, 4 Oct 2015

We Are First And Foremost Singaporeans

One of our most remarkable achievements over these last 50 years has been our racial and religious harmony. It stems from a strong belief in the ideal of a multi-racial society where everybody is equal regardless of race, language or religion. And it was the most fundamental reason why we left Malaysia and went our own way on 9 August 1965.

Since then, we’ve held firmly to the belief that before race, language and religion, first and foremost we should all be Singaporeans together. And so we build a fair and just society based on
meritocracy where ability and not your background or the colour of your skin determines how well you do, determines what contributions you make and what rewards you get.

But what we enjoy today isn't a natural thing. It doesn't just happen and fall from heaven. It was an act of will which we have sustained for many decades. Because our pioneers knew that for us to survive as a nation we could not be a divided society and they brought the communities together and extended the common spaces and they policed the rules and made sure that everybody knew that was how Singapore was meant to work right from the beginning.

Excerpt of PM Lee's speech
Onepeople.sg Community Leaders' Conference 4 Oct 2015

We Are Not Done With Building Singapore

"We are not done building Singapore and we will never be done. My team and I take this trust and our responsibility seriously, and will continue to earn, honour and grow this trust." - PM Lee

Trust

“You have entrusted Singapore to my team, not just because of what we have done, but also because you are confident of what we will do. You trust that we will act on our words and live up to our promises, and we will.” - PM Lee

Leadership Renewal

My other major goal in forming this Cabinet is to prepare the next team to take over from me and my senior colleagues. My responsibility, as it was with ESM Goh Chok Tong and Mr Lee Kuan Yew, is not just to govern Singa­pore well today, but also to prepare the next team to take over from us. This will secure Singapore’s future beyond this generation, and take the country another step towards SG100.

Leadership renewal was one of my major themes before and during the election campaign. I am grateful that with your support, I can reinforce my team and pursue renewal vigorously.

The clock is ticking; we have no time to lose. Therefore, I have made a decisive move now. In this new Cabinet, nearly all ministries have new Ministers, Ministers of State and Parliamentary Secretaries.

I have reinforced my team with backbenchers and newly-elected MPs, and entrusted major responsibilities to younger ministers. They have to be tested, learn the ropes, prove themselves, and shake down as a team. Increasingly they will carry the government’s programme – initiating, explaining and executing policies, and persuading people to support these policies, which will increasingly be their policies.

The older ministers are staying on in Cabinet. They will provide my team with depth and breadth to think more deeply about issues and to plan more systematically for the future. They will also help me to mentor and guide the younger ones. My overriding goal is to have a new team ready to take over soon after the next elections, to work with you, for you and for Singapore.

Full transcript of speech here: http://bit.ly/1WAQsIe

Real Winners Of The General Election

 PM Lee says he is "deeply honoured and humbled" by the mandate given to the PAP by Singaporeans. It has allowed him to form a strong cabinet.

He wants to prepare the next team that will take over from him.

"The real winners in this election were Singaporeans. We have a strong, stable government, able to take Singapore confidently into the future. Singaporeans showed that we knew what was at stake. At a critical moment, we united to decide our future."

The Singapore Story Belongs To All Of Us

PM Lee says the younger Ministers will have to master the issues quickly and there are new complex challenges facing Singapore today.

He cites specifically the dangers posed by ISIS and terrorism, political problems and racial tensions in neighbouring countries as well as tensions in the South China sea.

He highlights the urgent need to review Singapore's economy, to ensure growth in a weaker global economy and in the light of domestic demographic trends.

"The Singapore Story belongs to all of us," says PM Lee. "If we have faith that Singapore will endure and thrive, and put our heart and soul into building Singapore, then we will prevail, and secure our place in history."