The Warthog Built By Singapore That The Taliban Don't Want To Know

British forces have brought a new weapon to bear against the Taliban who “simply don’t want to know” when it arrives on the battlefield, commanders have said.

The Warthog is a 22-ton tracked armoured vehicle whose off-road ability allows it to frequently outflank the fleet-footed Taliban.
The vehicle’s success has led to a rethink on British tactics as they are not only able to deliver troops, supplies but they can also bring down heavy firepower from unexpected directions.

It can carry up to a dozen soldiers who can be deployed either to fight insurgents or engage with the local population to build up an intelligence picture of tribal communities.

It has almost certainly saved lives after 11 Warthogs were hit in one tour by large IEDs (Improvised Explosive Device) without anyone inside being killed although two were badly wounded.
The Warthog has also proved adept at being able to drive through the notoriously difficult terrain of Helmand’s irrigated “green zone”.

In one epic six week long battle earlier this year the vehicles provided a perimeter defence for the Royal Engineers as they laid a key road in central Helmand called Route Trident. Previously the Sappers had come under daily attack but with the heavy weaponry such as .50 calibre heavy machine guns and 40mm grenade machine guns the Warthogs kept the Taliban at bay.

With many ambushes happening in the easily defended Green Zone of tree-lined irrigation ditches the Warthogs allow troops to get behind the enemy’s backs.

“You can put Warthog into places you would not dream of with other armoured vehicles as it has very low ground pressure giving us the ability to move around the battlespace in a completely different way,” Major James Cameron, the 2nd Royal Tank Regiment squadron commander, the first to use the vehicle on operations.

“We have been able to manoeuvre in an extraordinary way. Literally we can go over ditches, swim rivers or go up ravines getting right in behind the enemy where they least expect us.

“We run on them at speed and before they know anything about it we are right on top of them.”

On one occasion Major Cameron was in an engagement with 30 Taliban in which he fired 1,200 rounds through his turret-mounted GPMG.

Towards the end of their six month tour radio intelligence has shown the Taliban commanders warning their men “don’t fire at the tank”.

The Warthog is unique in that it is the first armoured vehicle to be built for a Western army by an Asian company. Singapore based ST Kinetics won a £150 million contract for 115 vehicles as the MoD looked for a robust all-terrain vehicle.

STK managed to produce the first Warthog within nine months of the order, on time and ahead of schedule although there was a delay of several months as the armour protection was improved.

The Warthog is replacing the BAE Systems built Viking which is being withdrawn from service after almost a quarter of the fleet was destroyed by Taliban bombs.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/8681903/Taliban-dont-want-to-know-in-Warthog-fight.html

Singapore Is Determined To Be A Master Of Its Own Destiny

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said that Singapore is determined to be a master of its own destiny in a world where power often determines which countries prevail and set the agenda.

He was delivering the annual S Rajaratnam lecture organized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

"Our foreign policy is a balance between realism and idealism," he said.

"We know we have to take the world as it is and not as we would wish it to be. But we believe that we can and must defend ourselves and advance our interests."

Singapore's foreign policy is vital in securing Singapore's place in the world. If Singapore wants to remain relevant on the international stage, it must continue to succeed as a country.

"A failed state cannot have an effective foreign policy," he said.

Singapore “cannot be everywhere” in the international arena as it is a small state. But PM Lee stressed that Singapore has to be present for key forums and on key issues, such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, as “our interests are at stake”.

 Excerpt of PM Lee Hsien Loong's speech at the 8th S Rajaratnam Lecture, 27 Nov 2015

Small countries like us have to constantly to ask ourselves: how can we ensure that we survive, and keep our place in the sun?
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We are determined to be masters of our own destiny. Our foreign policy is a balance between realism and idealism. We know we have to take the world as it is and not as we would wish it to be. But we believe that we can and must defend ourselves and advance our interests.

Of course we have to be clear what our fundamental interests are and these have not changed in 50 years – to have peace in the world; to have an international order where countries respect and abide by international law; to establish a network of friends and allies whom we can work with; to have a stable and secure Asia-Pacific region, especially Southeast Asia; and ultimately, to preserve our sovereignty, and our right to determine our future.

How can Singapore advance these national interests?

I offer you another old Chinese saying – the Chinese have solved all these problems long ago. This is from the Confucian classic "Great Learning" – 修身齐家治国平天下 - one must first cultivate one's own person, then regulate one's family, then order well one's state, then only can one make the whole kingdom "天下" – all under heaven – tranquil and happy. This is the Confucian view of government, and it is deep in the Chinese psyche. That there is a direct link from the virtue of the individual, to the family, to the larger society and to universal harmony. Singapore is a modern society, but we have tried hard to maintain traditional values that are relevant to us and this piece is a timeless piece of wisdom that neatly encapsulates how we can think about advancing our interests internationally. A successful foreign policy is founded on what we do domestically in Singapore and we must first put our home in order, then our external relations can prosper.

Let me elaborate on this starting from the outside. First, internationally, we have to be an active and constructive player, seeking to add value and making ourselves relevant to other countries. Secondly, in our own region, we have to make common cause with our neighbours. Thirdly, Singapore must continue to succeed as a nation, to wield any influence abroad. Fourthly, Singapore’s success, whether externally or domestically, depends on our staying united as one people, firm in our conviction that Singapore will endure and prevail.

Full transcript of speech here: http://bit.ly/1LF2HuY

Advancing Singapore's Interests By Playing An Active And Constructive Role In The International Arena

Making common cause with others:

".....we make common cause with others, in particular with other small states. Individually, our voice may be weak, but collectively, our voices will be amplified and we can make ourselves heard.

That is why at the UN, we set up the Forum of Small States (FOSS). ........ We put together under FOSS, countries under 10 million. It is an informal group, but there are 105 members of FOSS all over the world. We meet together, we discuss, we foster common positions on issues, and we share experiences and strategies.........Another one that we have set up is called the Global Governance Group. An informal coalition, this time 30 small- and medium-sized states formed to exchange views on global governance. What does that mean? That means financial rules, that means IMF world bank, economic policies, so as to feed them into the G20 processes, to render the G20 a more inclusive, transparent and representative grouping. So the first thing to make ourselves heard is to make common cause with others." - PM Lee Hsien Loong

Excerpt of speech at 8th S Rajaratnam Lecture 27 Nov 2015

What The Government Does To Advance Singapore's Interests
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..Becoming part of the Maritime Silk Road; Becoming an observer on the Arctic Council.

By constantly "looking ahead to anticipate developments, to position ourselves, to protect our interests, whichever way events may break. It is particularly important in these uncertain times where you cannot predict which way things will go, and you must prepare for multiple eventualities.

For example, we are embarking on the third Government-to-Government (G-to-G) project with China in Chongqing. This will position us at one end of China's "One Belt, One Road" project.

Now, Singapore is part of the "belt", which is the Silk Route going through Eurasia, out of China and we are also part of the "road" – the Maritime Silk Road passing through Southeast Asia. It is a valuable position to be in.

Another example, we joined the Arctic Council as an observer to find out what may happen when the northern sea-route becomes viable as the Arctic ice melts............Sam Tan who is our Envoy, who has worked very hard and has made many friends in the Arctic Circle, on the Arctic Council. It is relevant to us. It will not happen tomorrow. It may come to pass or it may not. But it probably will, and if it does, we will be there. These are small bets to hedge our position."

Excerpt of PM Lee Hsien Loong's speech at the 8th S Rajaratnam Lecture, 27 Nov 2015

http://www.pmo.gov.sg/mediacentre/pm-lee-hsien-loong-8th-s-rajaratnam-lecture-27-november-2015

Ensuring That There Is Always Enough Water

Singapore has 17 reservoirs today.

But do you know that we also have another reservoir across the Causeway?

The Linggiu Reservoir in Johor is FIVE TIMES LARGER than all of the 17 reservoirs put together. It was constructed by the PUB following a 1990 treaty supplementary to Singapore's 1962 Water Agreement with Malaysia.

Due to the presistent dry weather, the Linggiu Reservoir is now more than half empty.

While Johor is into their 4th month of water rationing, water here continues to flow steady.

This is an unappreciated blessing. It did not arise out of good fortune. It was the result of careful planning and conscientious implementation by PUB and the Government.

If the dry weather persists, we WILL eventually be affected. Imported water (which can meet half of our daily demand for drinking water) is under threat and steadily depleting.

Demand for water will increase. There is just not enough space in Singapore to collect and store all the water that we need.

[Although right on the Equator and in the tropics, Singapore is actually a severely water-challenged country. We spend a lot of time and devote a lot of resources in planning for the future. PUB always builds ahead of demand. Construction of Singapore's third desalination plant will soon commence. Plans for a fourth have just been announced. And you can be sure that we are busy working on the one after that.

Water security is a matter of life and death for us in Singapore. Our existence as a sovereign nation is directly contingent on enduring water security.

The late Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore's first Prime Minister, recognised this fact from day one, and worked tirelessly throughout his life to secure our water future. He once said: "Water dominated every other policy. Every other policy had to bend at the knees for water survival."

Singapore's water strategy comes in three parts.

First of all, we have to maximise our own yield. So we strive to collect every drop of rain that falls here. This means turning as much of Singapore as possible into a water catchment, and keeping our drains, canals and waterways pristine.

Second, we have to think of water as an endlessly reusable resource. In our minds, the H2O molecule is never lost. Water can always be reclaimed and re-treated so that it can be drunk again.

PUB is a world leader in this. Today, we are able to turn wastewater into sweet water for very little money. We reclaim every drop of sewage and turn much of it into drinking water again.

And third, because Singapore is surrounded by sea, we turn seawater into drinking water. When membrane separation technology made desalination economically viable, PUB adopted it with great zeal. And we continue to research better desalination technology to find less expensive ways of desalting water.

Our plan, in the long run, is for fully 80 per cent of Singapore's water needs to be met by desalinated and recycled water.
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Despite severely limiting geographic constraints, today's Singapore is not short of water.

As long as we at PUB continue to be smart and clear-eyed about our nation's water situation, and do our work well, there should always be enough water. This is possible only because we have used our imagination, researching and testing continuously, and have exploited technology to overcome our water challenges.

In this way, we have turned disadvantage into strength, and seemingly insurmountable vulnerability into endless opportunity.] - By Ng Joo Hee (excerpt)

http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/ensuring-theres-enough-water-always?utm_campaign=Echobox&utm_medium=Social&utm_source=Facebook#xtor=CS1-10

Longevity Means Opportunities

An ageing population which poses challenges to many countries, also brings opportunities when longevity is viewed through friendly eyes.

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong made these remarks during the APEC Meeting.

Longer lives mean more time for people to achieve their goals and aspirations, provided they remain healthy. And for countries with low replacement rates, having more elderly can make up for having fewer babies, especially if the older workers can achieve life-long employability, he added.

"We need to transform our societies and economies to become more age-friendly, and turn longevity into a positive force for economic and social development."

To minimise the burden of ageing and to maximise the contributions that old people can make and to make sure they feel an inclusive part of society and to strengthen the resilience in our community, Singapore is transforming in three ways.

1. Helping seniors stay active and healthy for longer.

The Government has plans to raise the re-employment age further, to 67 years old, and is also providing financial incentives for companies to make jobs and workplaces more senior-friendly.

Most recently, it launched the SkillsFuture initiative, which gives workers credits for courses they can take to upgrade themselves at any age.

2. Safety nets in housing, retirement adequacy and healthcare (Medishield Life) were also strengthened, to give seniors peace of mind, he added.

3. Infrastructure - in public transport, public housing, and parks - are being refreshed for the elderly to move around the city independently, confidently and freely.

Obama: Singapore Punches Above Its Weight Despite Its Small Population

United States President Barack Obama has said the state of the Singapore-US relationship is “very strong”, and that the consistent engagement of the US in the region is made “much easier” knowing it has ASEAN partners like Singapore.

Mr Obama was speaking at the end of a bilateral meeting with Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, on the sidelines of the ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday (Nov 22).

"I think around the world, people admire the incredible progress that Singapore has made in creating prosperity and opportunity for its people and for being an excellent international partner. And here at ASEAN and previously at APEC, I think we’ve seen that although Singapore does not have a large population, it punches above its weight, because of its wise policies, and ability to work with all countries."

PAP 61st Anniversary - Party's Milestones

THE DATE: 21 November 1954.

THE PLACE: A packed Victoria Memorial Hall, a name which reminded not a few of the 1,500 present of their British colonial masters.

THE EVENT: The birth of a new political party.

In a country on the threshold of nationhood, among a people fermenting with anti-colonialism, the People's Action Party (PAP) was born.

It was a tumultuous start for our party, fighting for a young country's independence. Our chosen path was neither not war nor revolution, but a collective and undeniable urge for self-determination. PAP members turned up in short sleeves to show solidarity with the workers who pledged loyalty to a new vision.

The first key office-holders included a group of English-speaking young men who had been educated overseas. These were Lee Kuan Yew, who was the party's first secretary-general, Toh Chin Chye, the party's first chairman and S Rajaratnam, who later held key ministerial posts in the Government.

In the early days, although the PAP worked with communists with anti-colonialism as their mutual platform, the PAP made it clear it had a different set of political values. Lim Chin Siong, along with his Chinese High senior, Fong Swee Suan, was introduced to Lee Kuan Yew. The PAP's goal was to achieve merger with Malaya, but the pro-communists wanted a united Singapore-Malaya under the communist banner.

In 1956, Lim and Lee represented the PAP at the London Constitutional Talks led by David Marshall, which ended in failure: the British declined to grant Singapore internal self-government. Marshall, disappointed with the constitutional talks, stepped down as Chief Minister, and was replaced by Lim Yew Hock.

After two more rounds of Constitutional Talks in 1957 and 1958, a General Election for a fully elected government was held on 30 May 1959. That year, the PAP won the election and formed Singapore's first fully elected government under the new Constitution. The Cabinet of self-government was sworn in on 5 June with Lee Kuan Yew as Prime Minister, Dr Toh Chin Chye, the Deputy Prime Minister, Goh Keng Swee, the Minister for Finance and Ong Pang Boon, Minister for Home Affairs.

Although foreign relations and matters of defence were still in the hands of the British at that time, it was a step closer to its mission of seeking independence through merger with Malaya.

Then in 1961 came the Big Split. Lim Chin Siong and a few others turned against the PAP and the government over the issue of the day: Independence through merger.

Once comrades-in-arms, Lim Chin Siong broke away from Lee Kuan Yew and left the PAP to become the leader of the opposition party Barisan Socialis (Socialist Front).

On 16 September 1963, amidst internal tension and external hostility, Singapore became part of Malaysia. 71% of electorate in Singapore voted in favour of a new nation comprising the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Lee Kuan Yew remained as the PM of the State of Singapore. The General Election for that year was fiercely fought, with 46.5% of votes coming to the Party. Only Mr Lee and Dr Goh Keng Swee had clear majorities.

The merger with Malaya, however, was short-lived. In 20 odd months, the fundamental difference between PAP and the Alliance hinged on the nature of a Malaysian society - whether a Malaysian Malaysia or a Malay Malaysia. It caused an insurmountable ideological divide and led the Malay leaders to take the decision to separate Singapore from the rest of Malaysia in August 1965. Finally, on 9 August 1965, PM Lee announced the Separation.

PARTY PHILOSOPHY

Over the years, certain core values have formed the foundation for the country's key policies. The party's preference has been for ideas to manifest themselves through policies, rather than be cast in a theoretical philosophy of manifestos .

Our multi-racial and multi-religious focus can be seen in the equal treatment which all races - Chinese, Malay, Indians and Eurasians - receive in all areas of public service. This includes equal treatment in education, housing, and health. As a party, we also raised funds to to support community and social groups working on education and health across all racial groups.

Politically, the minorities are assured of proportionate representation in Parliament through the Group Representation Constituency, or GRC system set up in 1988. MPs can be elected under single wards or under GRCs, where a group of MPs are elected as a team. Each team must contain at least one MP who is a member of a minority group.

Our focus on meritocracy can be seen most clearly in the education system, in which one child is ensured of as many educational opportunities as the next child - regardless of his parents' financial status. This is through the many scholarships and bursaries given out for academic excellence.

PARTY PROGRESS: MAKE IT OUR BEST HOME

On the 45th anniversary of the party in 1999, Mr Goh Chok Tong, then-Prime Minister of Singapore and Secretary-General of the party since 1992, said: "Let us not celebrate so much past achievements, but prepare ourselves for challenges ahead...Let us inject our Party with a new vitality and drive.''

At the polls, the party has been returned to power since Singapore became independent. We have won all General Elections since independence, and the party's three secretary-generals - Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Mr Goh Chok Tong and Mr Lee Hsien Loong - have been Singapore's three Prime Ministers.

We have a Women's Wing (set up in 1989) and Young PAP (the youth wing, set up in 1986). We continue to operate out of a modest headquarters in Upper Changi, within the heartlands of Bedok.

Over the years, our party's self-renewal has been systematic and planned. Each election, some 20 new candidates are trained and fielded. We will continue to attract good men and women to join us to stand and fight for office. Each generation of leaders builds on the progress of the past to continue our march to a better and brighter future for all Singaporeans.

Happy 61st Anniversary, PAP!

Source: http://news.pap.org.sg/about-pap/party-milestones

Fighting Terrorism By Strengthening The Singapore Model

On grappling with threats from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), DPM Tharman Shanmugaratnam said at the Straits Times Global Outlook Forum that the country will have to recover quickly, stay united and remain confident in its ability to deal with problems.

“We have to be real about this. We have to harden defences on a whole range of facilities and installations. We’ve already been doing it and we will continue to do it,” he said.

“And fundamentally too over the long term, we’ve got to strengthen our Singapore model — of interacting freely, living together in the same neighbourhood, going to the same schools together and constantly deepening that sense of identity, where people first and foremost feel what they share in common as Singaporeans.”

The Way To Fight Terrorism According To Lee Kuan Yew

Our papers, airwaves and TV have been filled with endless commentaries about the barbaric attacks on Paris in the last few days. Without exception, everyone condemns the evils of terrorism and is eager to show solidarity with the grieving French people.

After a period of mourning, the biggest question for all of us is to identify the root of the problem and find a solution to eradicate the scourge of Islamic terrorism. There are a multitude of opinions, but it would be wise for us to pay attention to a voice from the grave, the late Lee Kuan Yew.

The late Lee possessed a razor-sharp strategic mind and didn’t like to mince his words when talking about controversial topics like the rise of Islamism. Before he passed away, he had an in-depth conversation with two Harvard professors, Graham Allison and Robert Blackwill, on a range of topics including the future of Islamic extremism.

Lee says the root cause of Islamic terrorism is not about the on-going Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The founding father of modern Singapore, who was widely regarded as one of the world’s leading strategists, believes militant Islam feeds upon the insecurities and alienation that globalisation generates among the less successful.

“After 40 years of patchy economic development, many Arabs feel anger and humiliation that their once glorious civilisation has been diminished by the West, especially America and corrupted by its licentious culture,” he said in the book The Grand Master’s Insights on China, the United States and the World.

Drawing on his own experience of combating Islamic terrorists in Southeast Asia, the late Lee identified several leading causes and named Saudi Arabia and its oil money as one of the main culprits for the spread of radical Islam.

“First and foremost, after the price of oil quadrupled in 1973, Saudi Arabia has generously financed the missionary movement by building mosques and religious schools and paying for preachers throughout the world, spreading the teachings and practices of its austere version of Wahhabist Islam,” he said.
Lee said the spread of Petrodollars led to an increase in religiosity worldwide and made it possible for extremists to recruit from Saudi-funded mosques and madrassas. He saw that first-hand in Southeast Asia where people practiced a moderate brand of Islam but some had turned radical and joined Jihadist fighting in the Middle East.

In answering an ultra-sensitive question on what role Islam plays in fuelling Islamic extremism, he didn’t shy away. “Muslims want to assimilate us. It is one-way traffic…They have no confidence in allowing choice,” he said. “Muslims socially do not cause any trouble, but they are distinct and separate… Islam is exclusive.”

The biggest question of all is how to eliminate radical Islamists. At the moment, the struggle looks like a battle between extremist radicals on one side and Western allies on the other. However, deep down, the real battle is the death struggle between the extremist Muslims and the rationalist Muslims.

So Lee’s answer to the question is simple and categorical. “Only Muslims can win this struggle,” he said. By that he means, only modernist Muslims could triumph over their radical antagonists and it is the job of the international community to support and encourage the moderate Muslim to fight back against the extremists.

“I also pointed out that our Muslim leaders are rational and that the ultimate solution to extremist terrorism was to give moderate Muslims the courage to stand up and speak out against radicals who have hijacked Islam to recruit volunteers for their violent ends,” he said.

Lee’s solution is essentially encouraging and empowering moderate Muslims to speak out against radicals if they want to be a part of the modern world of science and technology. For Muslim minorities in countries such as Britain, France and Australia, they must take a clear cut stand against Islamist terrorists.

In Muslim-majority countries such as Pakistan and Iraq, Muslims have to confront Islamists or they face the risk of being dragged back into a feudal past. Lee believes the tide of battle will turn against the extremists once moderate Muslim governments such as those in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Persian Gulf states, Egypt and Jordan comfortably and openly join a multilateral coalition against Islamist terrorists.
“The objective must be to reassure and persuade moderate Muslims…that they are not going to lose, that they have the weight, the resources of the world behind them. They must have the courage to go into the mosques and matrasses and switch off the radicals” he said.

In the end, Lee also suggested that a military solution was not enough on its own. “You must use force. But force will only deal with the tip of the problem. In killing the terrorists, you will only kill the worker bees. The queen bees are the preachers, who teach a deviant form of Islam in schools and Islamic centres, who capture and twist the minds of the young.”

Lee, who had in his lifetime defeated and eliminated both Communist insurgents and Islamists in Singapore, where a sizable Muslim community lives, is worth listening to. His solution, if we could boil it down, is to provide as much support to moderate Muslims as needed to defeat radicals.

http://www.businessspectator.com.au/article/2015/11/17/china/lee-kuan-yew-and-how-fight-islamic-terrorism

Photo: Fabrications About The PAP

Humble PM, Humnble Jet

Members of the media waiting for the arrival of Singapore Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong had a moment of confusion when a small, unmarked Gulfstream jet landed, taxied and slowly proceeded to the arrival area of the Ninoy Aquino International Airport Terminal 1 where the welcoming delegation was waiting.

Only a handful of vehicles waited for Lee's convoy, and a boarding ramp vehicle was not even used because the jet only needed its built-in ladder.

It was not until the jet parked in front of the red carpet and Prime Minister Lee came out with his wife, Madame Ho Ching, that the media was absolutely sure that it was the aircraft that carried Lee and his party.

For the hordes of journalists who have gotten used to covering more than a dozen world leaders who arrived on board their jumbo jet flag carriers, and even their own presidential airplanes for some, like the Air Force One of US President Barack Obama, seeing a small private jet flying the Singapore leader was slightly out of the norm.

Singapore is, after all, one of the richest economies in the world with a GDP per capita (income per individual) of $55,182 (that is 20 times the GDP per capita of the Philippines).

Lee has been known to use commercial flights as well while traveling on official business.

Source: ABS-CBN News

Psychological Resilience

Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong warned that the violence wrought on Paris last Friday could happen in Singapore. We have to be psychologically prepared for it.

"We are in the middle of a region (where) ISIS is active," he said, referring to terror group Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.

Some 700 South-east Asians have gone to the Middle East to join ISIS, including some Singaporeans.
The actions of ISIS, he added, were a "completely perverted and wrong interpretation" of Islam.

"It is not true Islam, in the way the vast majority of believers, of Muslims, interpret the religion," Mr Lee said.

But ISIS members declare themselves Muslims even though they know very little of Islam, he noted.
So in a way, to say they had nothing to do with religion was also an "oversimplification".

"The reality is the majority of Muslims do not subscribe to this. Religious leaders in Singapore, particularly Muslim religious leaders, have come out very clearly and firmly to condemn ISIS and this perverted interpretation and inhumane practice," he added.

Source: The Straits Times

Just How Real Is The ISIS Threat To Singapore?

G20 CEO Summit, Turkey

PM Lee Hsien Loong said Singapore authorities knew of close to a dozen more people who wanted to go to Syria to fight.

Some succeeded. Others were detected in time.

Singapore also uses the Internal Security Act to detain suspected terrorists before they act. “But we don’t just lock them away and throw away the key. We strive to rehabilitate the detainees,” Mr Lee said.

About 70 people have been detained for terrorism-related actions since the Sept 11, 2001 attacks in the US. About three-quarters have been rehabilitated and released.

A terrorist attack does not just inflict physical harm, but also tears at the social fabric.

“We are a multiracial society. If we ever suffer a terrorist attack, the harm is not just the physical damage and loss of life but the fear, the suspicion, the breakdown of racial and religious harmony of our society, and our social fabric would be rent apart,” he said.

The problem must be dealt with at the ideological level, and the “social fabric from which they could spring”.

Source: Today

ISIS: An International Threat That Requires An International Response

It's an international threat. No country can deal with it alone. Neither can you wish it away by keeping silent.

Mr Lee Hsien Loong, speaking at a Group of 20 (G20) working dinner on the global challenges of terrorism and the refugee crisis on Sunday night, said:

“Terrorists cross borders freely, and therefore, no country can defeat this international threat alone. Each country must do its part domestically, but countries also have to work together internationally. The fight belongs to all of us and we have to be willing to step up and stand up in solidarity with each other against the terrorists. We cannot avoid this problem, much less solve it by hiding or by keeping silent, hoping that the scourge will pass us by, on the other side.”

First Monument Of Lee Kuan Yew Unveiled In Europe

A bust of the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew has been unveiled at the Cap Roig Gardens in Spain

- perched atop a cliff overlooking the turquoise Mediterranean Sea.

Why An Elected President?

Excerpt of speech by Mr Lee Kuan Yew

Singapore has been consistently rated as the most transparent government in Asia by Transparency International based in Berlin. PERC based in Hong Kong have corroborated this. However do not believe that Singapore does not have corruption. Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau annual reports show just how many cases of corruption or attempted corruption take place every year, many that have to be investigated and prosecuted.

There were 145 substantial cases last year, 2004 and 175 in 2003. Fortunately they have not involved the higher echelons of political office holders or civil service officers.

Singapore had an incipient problem under the British. But under Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock (1956-59), some ministers were corrupt and the rot looked like spreading.

When the present Singapore government took office in 1959, it had a deep sense of mission to establish a clean and ethical government. We made ethical and incorruptible leadership a core issue in our election campaign. It was our counter to the smears of pro Communist Barisan Socialis and their unions.

In office, we directed the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB), set up by the British in 1952 to deal with corruption, go for the big takers in the upper echelons.

We also amended the law to put the burden of proof on the defendant or accused if he/she had more assets than his income as reported in his income tax returns, from his employment or business
could have given him. He has to disprove the presumption of guilt that they were gained by corrupt means.

It is a constant fight to keep the house clean. As long as the core leadership is clean, any back sliding can be brought under control and the house cleaned up.

What the PAP government cannot ensure is that if it loses an election, a non-PAP government will remain honest. Therefore we have installed constitutional safeguards to meet such an eventuality.
We amended the constitution to have the president popularly elected not by Parliament but by whole electorate and has a veto power on the spending of the country’s reserves by the Cabinet.

The president now also has the power to overrule any prime minister who stops or holds up an investigation for corruption against any of his ministers or senior officials or himself.

The Director of the CPIB (Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau) has two masters to back him, the elected prime minister, and if he refuses to move, the elected president, who can act independently of the elected prime minister, to order that investigations proceed.

The president also has the veto on appointments to important positions like the Chief Justice, Chief of Defence Force, Commissioner of Police, the Attorney General, Auditor General and other key positions that uphold the integrity of the institutions of government. They are key officers, essential for the government to function without being subverted.

During a PAP government, the two-key system will guard against any PAP prime minister and Cabinet who overspend for political ends or a PM unwilling to act against a political colleague. The president then steps in and acts.

If there is a non-PAP government and prime minister, the Director of the CPIB will be protected by the president from being subverted or undermined, otherwise the safeguards will not work. Then if in the next elections a PAP government were to be returned to office, it can clean up the system again.

If Singapore has the misfortune to elect a sharp but crooked group of politicians who can win two elections in a row, I fear they will be able to get their candidate elected as the successor president and thereby subvert the constitutional safeguards.

Corruption is incipient in every society and must be continuously purged. Once corruption has set in, it is not possible to wipe it out quickly. To kill it at one stroke you need a revolution, like when the CCP pushed out a corrupt and demoralised Nationalist government in October 1949. The old officials and their retinue were looting before they fled. The communists conducted widespread executions of officials who did not get away. They had show trials, with the masses acting as judges of those whom they accused of having exploited the farmers or workers. But within two decades, these zealous revolutionaries themselves became corrupt. It started with the Cultural Revolution in 1966. Because money could not buy them any goods, it was rank that they fought for, through corruption to gain promotions.

Once China opened up and started a free market, many decided that they had wasted their best years under the slogan of sacrifice for the people and hurried to make up for lost time. But now that it has become widespread, as in China and Vietnam, to clean up is an arduous battle.

However when the core leadership is clean, corruption can be gradually diminished. Both must be prepared to take on the big ones in the highest echelons of the government. This is most painful to do as I know from experience.

Full Speech here:  https://www.cpib.gov.sg/sites/default/files/publication-documents/5_Speech%20of%20Minister%20Mentor.pdf

Four Friends: Lee Kuan Yew, Helmut Schmidt, George Shultz, Henry Kissinger

ONCE they were powerful. Dreaded. Admired by many, hated by some. Their lives are coming to an end. Yet, there is still one story to tell, the story of a friendship.

It is about four men who cannot be more unemotional.

Helmut Schmidt, Lee Kuan Yew, Henry Kissinger and George Shultz: cool, if not cold, power-hungry politicians.

Yet, for more than 40 years, their friendship has been close, almost intimate. Now they are slowly saying their farewells to each other.

Singapore, at the beginning of May, conference room 'White Magnolia' at Shangri-La Hotel...

Schmidt wanted to meet Lee, the founding prime minister of the Asian metropolis, for the last time.

He has not looked forward to a trip for a long time as much as this one to see 'Harry', how Lee has been called among his friends since he was a student at Cambridge in England. From Singapore, Schmidt will be travelling to China for five days, also a long-cherished wish.

Schmidt is 93. Who would still go on a 15-hour trip from chilly Hamburg to hot and humid Singapore at that age? In March, his doctors gave the green light: The thrombosis he is suffering from does not prevent him from flying.

Lee, 89 years old, wrote to him to say how happy he was about the visit. Also, that his friend would need some rest after arrival, at least one night, to overcome the jet lag. The next evening, he would invite him to dinner.

Afterwards, they want to sit down together on three afternoons, to talk with each other. About China, America, Europe - the big picture, the way they always used to do.

A book shall be produced, a collection of their conversations on the world's situation. Neither would accept anything less.

And then the conversation begins very softly. 'My wife passed away and left me at the age of 91,' says Schmidt. 'Loki died at 91?' - 'Yes, it was a big loss. Must be the same for you.' - 'Yes, it creates a deep hole in our life; nothing can fill it.'

Three weeks before Loki Schmidt's death, at the beginning of October 2010, Lee's wife Choo died.

As students at Cambridge, the two Lees stood out intellectually. Driven by ambition, they returned to Singapore. Lee established an educational dictatorship there which, despite all its successes, was feared.

Lee could be merciless. He persecuted political opponents, sent them to their financial ruin with lawsuits, gagged the press.

But when his seriously ill wife had been bound to bed unable to talk or move for more than two years, he came to sit next to her and read to her every night. He wanted her to die in peace. They were married for 64 years.

'We were married for 68,' says Schmidt. 'We had hoped to stay together for 70 years,' he says. 'Yeah,' sighs Lee with a hoarse voice. 'Yeah.'

Schmidt is sitting in a wheelchair on Lee's right; he can hear only with his left ear. Lee is sitting upright. He is wearing a dark blue Chinese silk jacket, and with his almost bald head, he appears like an aloof Beijing mandarin.

Lee formulates articulately, in Oxford English full of nuances. In front of him stands a glass of hot water, but he does not take even one sip during the conversation.

Schmidt is not allowed to smoke for hours, a torture to him. Lee, in the past a heavy smoker himself, is now allergic to cigarette smoke.

Once, absorbed in thought, Schmidt reaches into the left pocket of his jacket, pulls out a box of cigarettes, lights a Reyno. Lee is going stiff, not saying anything, just looking at Schmidt, who is suddenly startled: Where is the ashtray? There is none.

He hesitates and flings the cigarette with verve into a deep coffee cup. Great hilarity!

'For me, this is a sentimental journey,' Schmidt says, picking up the thread again. He had been in Singapore for the first time in 1958 or 1959, had stayed at the famous Raffles Hotel back then. 'The old colonial officers pretended to drink tea but drank whisky instead!'

Schmidt abruptly switches to politics, wants to know when Lee met Deng Xiaoping for the first time. It was in 1978, Lee replies, two years after the death of Mao Zedong, when Vice-Premier Deng began the economic transformation of the giant country.

Lee believes that Singapore was Deng's example. A free market and a strong government - that's what he learnt from Singapore.

It was also in 1978 that Schmidt and Lee met for the first time. Lee does not recall their first meeting. Schmidt's recollection of that day is more vivid. He had come from Japan and had stopped in Singapore on the way back, Schmidt says. Lee showed Loki the Botanic Gardens, and she was very impressed.

Mr Olaf Ihlau, correspondent of Suddeutsche Zeitung at the time, wrote about Lee's and Schmidt's first meeting: 'Both politicians are very alike. They are men of action and pragmatists, experts on economic matters and are against ideological reveries.

'Both are of great intelligence prone to impatience, and find it difficult to control their sense of superiority. The head of the South-east Asian island of prosperity has stopped appearing at press conferences a long time ago, where he had to answer possibly annoying questions.

'Lee considers journalists to be 'crackpots'. Another stance that is probably not that far removed from Helmut Schmidt's.'

Back in those years, nobody, not even the crackpots, could deny that Singapore was blossoming. After separating from Malaysia, Lee was pushing the former outpost of the British Empire with an iron hand into modern times.

George Shultz also became interested in the South-east Asian economic miracle. On his way to an Asian summit meeting, America's then Treasury Secretary stopped in Singapore in 1972.

Forty years later, Shultz talks about this visit while we are sitting at the Adlon Hotel in Berlin.

It is May 24, and later that evening, he will receive the Henry Kissinger Award of the American Academy. Kissinger is also in town. And so is Schmidt, who will deliver the laudatory speech for Shultz.

One is missing. Lee was not able to join them last autumn, when Schmidt, Shultz and Kissinger met in New York.

Shultz remembers how both Lees proudly showed him their city, and how he told Kissinger about it after his return. 'It is very rewarding to talk to Lee, I said to Henry, who already knew him. We understand each other.'

Shultz is the great organiser; he was the one who brought all four together for the first time. That was in 1982.

Schmidt was still Federal Chancellor of Germany, and Shultz was just named Secretary of State by Ronald Reagan.

Shultz brought Schmidt along as his guest to 'Bohemian Grove', a kind of summer camp for America's economic and political elite in California, with lots of drinking, bawdy jokes, and little talk about politics and business.

Kissinger invited Lee, Shultz says. After the camp, they drove to Shultz's house on the campus of Stanford University for lunch. 'All four of us sat around my kitchen table and talked for two, three hours, until my wife and Choo (Mrs Lee) asked us to get up so they could prepare lunch. I was thinking to myself: What a great lesson for a new secretary of state!'

Lee remembers how Schmidt sat down at the piano and 'professionally played classical pieces without any sheet music'. The four were smitten with each other. This was the beginning of a friendship that still lasts today.

At that point, Schmidt and Shultz had already known each other for 10 years. They met at the 'Library Group' in 1972. In the wake of the annual meetings of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), he wanted to meet the most important finance ministers in Washington, Shultz recalls.

'Of course, Helmut was one of them.' He invited Schmidt, France's Valery Giscard d'Estaing, Britain's Tony Barber, and, later, Japan's Takeo Fukuda to a discussion over lunch.

'I told the President about this. Nixon said: Good idea! Why don't you add some style to the meeting and hold it at the White House? So we went to the library of the White House - a wonderful room. Great food! And it worked.

'We met again, we could talk on the phone, and it all led to mutual trust. Somebody then suggested to call our circle the 'Library Group'.'

And it would become even more. During the meetings at the library of the White House, the idea of the Group of Seven summits was born.

Of course, Kissinger and Shultz had known of each other before. Both had a career at university. Kissinger at Harvard, and Shultz just a couple of kilometres away at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). One is a historian and political scientist; the other an economist. 'I didn't know him personally,' Shultz says, 'but I knew of him.' 'Because what he said had a high public profile.'

Richard Nixon brought the two of them together. Kissinger became National Security Adviser to the President, and later Secretary of State. Shultz was Secretary of Labour, then Treasury Secretary.

Have they ever been rivals?

'No,' Shultz says. They complemented each other. He, for instance, provided a study about the American dependence on oil imports, Shultz adds, while Kissinger was thinking about the strategic implications.

Even after their time under Nixon, they remained in touch. When Shultz himself became Secretary of State, he sought the advice of his friend and predecessor.

In old age, both Republicans have lent their authority to an astounding nuclear disarmament initiative: 'Global Zero' - total nuclear disarmament!

However, Schmidt does see some differences between the two. 'Shultz is convinced about the need for nuclear disarmament; Henry is more reserved.' With regard to nuclear matters, Kissinger is 'the most rational and realistic'. 'He exaggerates realism a bit, as I see it.' And Schmidt's own view? 'Almost entirely on Shultz's side.'

Why is there this surprising change of mind on nuclear policy matters by the former nuclear strategists? 'It was not a sudden change,' Schmidt explains. 'It was a slow development. I have always considered nuclear rearmament to be exaggerated.'

And nevertheless: The change of mind cannot be denied. And there are good reasons for this.

The former Cold Warriors had realised that a 'balance of terror' will only succeed between the high performance military of developed industrial nations, and that their cold instrumental rationality was only able to keep the peace through a stroke of luck.

They believe that in these times of unpredictable nations such as Iran and North Korea, or even terrorist groups striving for the bomb, it is no longer possible to rely on the stability of mutual deterrence.

Of course there are differences between the four when it comes to political issues. 'A great point of disagreement: Possibly opposed to Lee and definitely to Henry, I consider the American maritime nuclear deployment towards China to be quite exaggerated,' says Schmidt.

China! All four of them take a passionate interest in China's rise to its former greatness. Naturally, Schmidt has read Kissinger's new book On China. 'Something is missing. Too much Kissinger, too little China. The book could be called 'On Henry'! Overall, however, it displays great respect towards Chinese civilisation. Germans often mix up civilisation and culture!'

Kissinger and Schmidt first met at 1950s end. Where and how exactly - at Harvard or at the America House in Hamburg - is disputed between the two.

Kissinger likes to tell the story about how he, before their first meeting, confused Schmidt, introduced to him as an 'up-and-coming politician', with Carlo Schmid, one of the fathers of the German Basic Law. 'This was the more important German I knew.'

More than half a century has passed since then, and the dialogue between the two has never stopped. Schmidt explains that they obviously did not always agree when they were still both in office, Schmidt as Federal Chancellor, and Kissinger as National Security Adviser and Secretary of State.

During the East-West negotiations in the 1970s, for instance, 'Kissinger was much more sceptical about the closing meeting in Helsinki than me and his boss, Jerry Ford'. They also had opposing views when it came to the Vietnam War: 'He wanted to end the war, but much too slow. I wanted to speed it up.'

Were Chile and Cambodia an issue between the two, the overthrow of Allende by Pinochet and the bombardment of Vietnam's neutral neighbour by the Americans? 'Neither Cambodia nor Chile played a big role between us,' Schmidt replies, 'while I have always assumed, but never knew, that Henry was burdened.'

What lies at the core of this friendship?

'Human dependability,' Kissinger replies. 'I know when Helmut needs to talk, even when he would never ask for it. I know, on the other hand, that he would be there if I needed him.'

However, don't they say that friendships cannot exist in politics, we ask Helmut Schmidt.

'Yes, this is a mistake!' he grumbles. 'These four people can be sure that one of them does not say anything but what he considers to be his truth.'

'What he considers to be his truth,' Schmidt repeats. 'What you say in public may differ in some cases.'

Isn't there more: Are they not all typical political realists? Well, Schmidt says, 'more influenced by realism than by ideology, that is true for all four of us'. But he does not like the term political realist. 'We would have never used such a term! Why should we stick a label on us?'

Realists and internationalists at the same time. 'We do not think nationally when it comes to issues that affect all of us,' says Kissinger. 'It's about real global issues after all, so we discuss them from a global perspective.' Schmidt calls Kissinger, the Jew who fled Germany with his family in 1938, an 'American global citizen'.

'I have many friends,' Kissinger continues, 'but I would say that I always end up with these four. Most people do not even know this group exists. In this sense, it's exclusive.'

Our meeting in the afternoon before the award ceremony is short. Kissinger wants to go over to Helmut Schmidt's office next to the Reichstag. But he wants to know one more thing before he leaves: What did Lee say when we met him in Singapore? What does he think about the friendship of the four?

Lee also talked about trust and added: 'Our minds work in similar ways.' He talks on the phone with Kissinger at least once every two months, he said. They mostly talk about China or about other current major political issues. And one other thing: 'Henry called to console me when my wife Choo passed away.' This touched him.

Yes, says Kissinger: 'I called him almost every day back then.' Because in Lee's culture, it is very difficult to express personal grief, he adds. Was he able to console his friend? 'I think, he was consoled by being able to talk about Choo - so yes.'

At the end of life, when the final balance sheet is drawn up, one thing remains: friendship, partnership, love. 'If my former wife was still alive, we would be married for almost 70 years now,' George Shultz says. She died 16 years ago from cancer. The (former) husband of his current wife Charlotte also died from cancer. 'So we got married,' says Shultz.

A radiant Charlotte Shultz enters the room during our meeting in Berlin. She was Head of Protocol of California under Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger.

The wives, says Helmut Schmidt, played 'a certain role' in the friendship of the four. Nancy Kissinger is 'a politically interested and intelligent woman who is reserved when expressing her views'. 'The second Mrs Shultz likes to talk, as she is full of impulses.'

The atmosphere is completely different when the wives are present, but they are also talking politics. What else are they talking about? 'About age, old age dementia, about the world, and about Dear God!'

Just as last year in New York. They met at the Waldorf Astoria. 'There were two different meetings,' says Helmut Schmidt. 'One for several hours with just Shultz, Kissinger, and Schmidt. And then a dinner with all three and the two wives - Mrs Shultz and Nancy.' It was his trip to say goodbye to America. Schmidt happily takes another drag from his cigarette: 'But I'm still alive!'

Another trip to America? 'No!' And if a friend needs him? 'I wouldn't rule it out completely, but I have no plans to do so.' He is determined to not make any more big trips. 'Within Europe - that is something else. Or Moscow, that is also something else.'

So Moscow would be tempting? 'Yes.' Are there any plans? 'No, nothing is planned.'

How to go about plans when you are getting older? - This is what we ask Kissinger. 'You have to choose. The things you can do are limited. So you should be doing things that are important and rewarding. Therefore, each one of our meetings is something special.'

Of course, it is important that we see each other, Kissinger adds. 'But there is nothing left we need to tell each other. Nothing will remain unfulfilled because of it. Nevertheless, the loss will be great when one of us passes.'

The critical interest in each other is still alive, the constant curiosity. George Shultz says: 'Every once in a while, Helmut sends me one of his speeches. I always read it very thoroughly. And then I read it again.

'It usually includes some subtleties you have to search for. He is a careful thinker. But he knows how to think big. Most people say utter nonsense when they are thinking big. When Helmut thinks big, it has meaning.'

And so they continue working. And they impress the people around them with their presence and creative power. At this warm evening in May in Berlin, they are sitting next to each other on the podium of the 'Weltsaal' (World Room) of the Federal Foreign Office: George Shultz, 91, Helmut Schmidt, 93, and Henry Kissinger, 89. There is not one person in the room who can withdraw from this touching moment.

All three have made history. They comfortably scan the rows in front of them: Shultz, sitting proud and straight with a crimson bow tie; Kissinger, slumped and with a wavering gaze; and between the two, Schmidt in his wheelchair, his hands without cigarettes on his lap.

They are well aware of their aura, and enjoy it with the kind of ironic distance of people who have seen too much to take every praise seriously. And who, nevertheless, always enjoy hearing it! You can put on a grim expression. Or grumble a bit. There is nothing that delights people more.

Schmidt, who delivers the laudatory speech for awardee Shultz, remembers Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, George Kennan, George Marshall, Eisenhower, and Kennedy. 'George, you are one of the American leaders that established the friendship with the Germans - after two world wars, in which we Germans were your enemies. And for this, I will forever be your thankful friend.'

The brief moment together in an adjoining room before the award ceremony is more important to the three than the actual event itself. This is what they were looking forward to. This is why they have travelled from Hamburg, New York, and San Francisco.

And this is why Schmidt flew to Singapore one last time.

'This is my last visit to this part of the world,' he said at the end of the third day. 'All the best to you, Harry.' - 'For you too,' Lee replies, and his voice is coarse. 'It was an honour to have known you.' They lean towards each other and hug. Very carefully.

For a moment everything is quiet in the room. Then Schmidt calls for his bodyguards. 'Wheel me out of here!'

By Matthias Nass
The writer is the Chief International Correspondent of the German weekly Die Zeit. The article first appeared in German in the July 5, 2012 edition of Zeit Magazin, the magazine supplement of Die Zeit.

The Economic Imperative For Singapore According To Mr Lee Kuan Yew

A sober reminder.

The economic imperative for Singapore: To make ourselves relevant to other countries so that they have a continued interest in our survival and prosperity as a sovereign and independent nation.

Small countries perform no vital or irreplaceable functions in the international system. Singapore therefore has to continually reconstruct itself and keep its relevance to the world and to create political and economic space.

UNVARNISHED VIEWS FOR A LISTENING WORLD

Mr Lee was never afraid of controversy. He did not court headlines deliberately, but neither would he self-censor if it meant his views were less sharply focused and expressed.

As a 32-year-old, Mr Lee said: “I have been accused of many things in my life, but not even my worst enemy has ever accused me of being afraid to speak my mind.”

This was one of his key strengths, in Mr Kausikan’s view: “The disciplined clarity of his thought and expression was one of the primary sources of the influence Mr Lee wielded, disproportionate for the leader of a small country like Singapore. His views were valued because they were unvarnished and gave a fresh and unique perspective. He said things that leaders of much larger and more powerful countries may well have thought and may have liked to say, but for one reason or another, could not themselves prudently say. And so he made Singapore relevant.”

Speaking in 2009, Mr Lee had said of Singapore’s foreign policy fundamentals: “Independence was thrust upon Singapore. The fundamentals of our foreign policy were forged during those vulnerable early years. They remain relevant because small countries have little power to alter the region, let alone the world. A small country must seek a maximum number of friends, while maintaining the freedom to be itself as a sovereign and independent nation. Both parts of the equation — a maximum number of friends and freedom to be ourselves — are equally important and interrelated.

“Friendship, in international relations, is not a function of goodwill or personal affection. We must make ourselves relevant so that other countries have an interest in our continued survival and prosperity as a sovereign and independent nation. Singapore cannot take its relevance for granted. Small countries perform no vital or irreplaceable functions in the international system. Singapore has to continually reconstruct itself and keep its relevance to the world and to create political and economic space. This is the economic imperative for Singapore.”

Yet Mr Lee also forged close personal friendships with world leaders, amity that has helped Singapore in many areas, from security to economics.

His personal ties with regional leaders such as late Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak and Indonesian President Suharto smoothed the way for the founding of ASEAN in 1967.

His friendship with members of United Kingdom Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s government helped delay the British troops’ withdrawal to late 1971, buying Singapore time to build up its own defence forces.

He also held long-term friendships with world leaders and senior officials such as British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt and Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping.

Despite his personal friendships with world leaders, he was not afraid to stand up to a greater power where needed. There were famous instances, such as in 1968, when he turned down a direct appeal by Indonesian President Suharto to pardon two Indonesian marines for the MacDonald House bombing; and in 1994, when, as Senior Minister, he refused American appeals against the caning of Michael Fay. In widely reported comments on local television, he had said of the US: “The country dares not restrain or punish the individuals, forgiving them for whatever they have done... That’s why the whole country is in chaos. Drugs, violence, unemployment and homelessness, all sorts of problems in its society.”

Former President S R Nathan also recalls how Mr Lee declined a gift from late Chinese Premier Hua Guofeng on his first visit to China in 1976. The gift was a book by Australian academic Neville Maxwell on the 1962 Sino-Indian war, and Hua told Mr Lee that it was “the correct version of the India-China war”.

Mr Nathan said: “When PM took the book, he looked at the front and back cover and then handed it back to Premier Hua, saying, ‘Mr Prime Minister, this is your version of the war. There is another version, the Indian version. And in any case I am from South-east Asia — it’s nothing to do with us.’ Hua showed no reaction, but a silence fell in the room.

“Even to this day, I sometimes get asked about this incident (by) people who cannot bring themselves to believe that the PM of a small country like Singapore would have dared to incur Chinese displeasure by such a response.”

Source: Today

http://bit.ly/1OB1wEj

Mr Lee Kuan Yew On Chinese President Xi Jinping

Lee Kuan Yew once uncovered a CIA plot, turned down a $3.3m bribe and embarrassed the US

 

At one time in 1961, the late founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was offered a bribe of $3.3 million (equivalent of $25 million today) by a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent to keep hush about an unsuccessful operation.

Lee, in his infinite badass-dom, turned down the offer and went ballistic on America.

In a report on the New York Times published in 1965 — and recently uncovered on Reddit's /r/Singapore — Lee had uncovered a CIA plot and refused to kowtow to the American agency, despite Singapore being a young, fragile state during the '60s.

Apparently, a CIA agent had been caught trying to purchase information from Singapore intelligence officials. He then offered Lee $3.3 million for personal and political use if the failed affair was kept under wraps.

Thinking more about the future of his country, Lee refused, and asked instead for $33 million in formal economic-development aid for Singapore.

It was only in 1965 that Lee brought the incident to light when he launched a public tirade against the United States which included chiding the "insensitivity" of Americans in Asia and declaring how he would never let Americans take over the British in maintaining a military base in Singapore. He also recalled the failed espionage attempt by the CIA.

His charges were immediately denied by US Ambassador to Malaysia James D. Bell and the State Department. Department spokesman Robert J. McCloskey vehemently denied allegations of CIA involvement.

Angered by the denials, Lee escorted reporters into his office and whipped out files stamped with "top secret" and produced a letter of apology written by Secretary of State Dean Rusk — dated Apr 15, 1961, during the Kennedy Administration — where he apologized for the espionage attempt and indicated plans to discipline the offending intelligence agents.

The bribe had been offered in January of 1961, just before President Kennedy took office. Inheriting the issue when he took over Eisenhower's administration, President Kennedy had offered compensation to Lee in the form of foreign aid.

Lee also threatened to release full reports and documents relating to the CIA plot, even planning to play tape recordings of interrogations and meetings on Singapore radio should the American government continue denying the allegations.

"If the Americans go on denying, I will have to disclose further details, which may sound like James Bond and Goldfinger, only not as good but putrid and grotesque enough," the displeased Lee said.

Embarrassed by their mistakes, State Department spokesman McCloskey quickly retracted his statements, and quite possibly learned that you should never, ever mess with Lee Kuan Yew.

"The Americans should know the character of the men they are dealing with in Singapore and not get themselves further dragged into calumny," Lee reportedly said.

"They are not dealing with Ngo Dinh Diem or Syngman Rhee. You do not buy and sell this Government."

And that is why, folks, Singapore was in perfectly good hands with Lee Kuan Yew. 

http://singapore.coconuts.co/2015/03/24/lee-kuan-yew-once-uncovered-cia-plot-turned-down-33m-bribe-and-embarassed-us

Singapore's Brand Of Tripartism Works

What works is what actually produces the desired outcome.

Tripartism in Singapore has produced good labour relations and furthered the well-being of the worker.

In the words of the director-general of the ILO, Guy Ryder:

“We all judge tripartism by the basis of the results that it generates, and in Singapore I think you have the proof of the effectiveness of your tripartism, the results are there for everybody to see in terms of economic growth, in terms of employment, in terms of improved living conditions.”
http://www.bbc.com/news/business-34745598

习近平: 李光耀的话“启示很深”

（联合早报网讯）中国国家主席习近平今早在新加坡国立大学杨秀桃音乐学院举行的“新加坡讲座”上，向“缔造中新关系”的已故建国总理李光耀致敬，并指出李光耀生前对他说过的话“启示很深”。
习近平是在接近45分钟演讲尾声时，提及李光耀和已故中国领导人邓小平。

他说：“回顾中新关系发展历程，我们倍加怀念和缔造中新关系的两位伟人—邓小平先生和李光耀先生。”
曾数度与李光耀举行会晤的习近平说：“我经常回忆起和李光耀先生会面时的情形，他讲的话，言犹在耳，对我的启示很深。”
习近平也忆述五年前以中国国家副主席的身份访新时，与李光耀在新加坡河畔为邓小平先生纪念碑揭幕的情景
他说：“李光耀先生参加了活动，惺惺相惜啊，英雄之见，大抵相同啊。如今斯人已逝，他们的丰功伟绩，永远值得我们缅怀两位伟人... 伟大的推动者，也是中新关系、战略合作的缔造者。”
（联合早报记者：黄顺杰）

President Xi Jinping's tribute to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew

 “回顾中新关系发展历程，我们倍加怀念和缔造中新关系的两位伟人—邓小平先生和李光耀先生。我经常回忆起和李光耀先生会面时的情形，他讲的话，言犹在耳，对我的启示很深。” ~ 习近平